Italy. In Italy, the year was completely marked by the country’s new prime minister, Matteo Renzi, who, with his 39 years, became Italy’s youngest head of government of all time – i.e. since the country’s unification in 1861. Renzi stormed into the political scene at the beginning of the year with the intention of revolutionizing Italy. He promised to revitalize Italy’s stagnant economy and lift the country out of a near-chronic recession, clearing the bureaucratic forest and show the world Italy’s full potential. At the end of the year, however, growth shone with its absence, while the large government debt continued to increase.
According to Countryaah.com, Italy population in 2020 is estimated at 60,461,837. Matteo Renzi had been appointed leader of the Social Democratic Democratic Party (PD) as late as the year before and came closest from the post of mayor of Florence. In the spirit of the Florentine Machiavelli, he made sure that the party deposed incumbent Prime Minister Enrico Letta in what most resembled a palace coup. Renzi took office as prime minister in February and started with a demolition start.
He formed a government with the lowest middle age of all time and for the first time with half women and began by putting the well-run state administration on slimming, including by selling a number of state-owned luxury cars. The car park was sold online, which was something new in the Italian administration. As mayor of Florence, Renzi made the city connected, and apparently he has the same plan for the whole country.
Soon after taking office, the new prime minister replaced the leadership of all the major state corporations – Eni, Enel, Finmeccanica – mastodonts that provide Italy with everything from energy and electricity to weapons.
The young forces that Matteo Renzi surrounds himself with in government and state administration are largely well-educated friends of the Florentine think tank La Leopolda. During Renzi’s five years as mayor of Florence, the brain trust met once a year in an abandoned station building called Leopolda. The idea bank grew into an influential social network, which has sometimes been likened to an informal parallel party.
Some observers believe that Renzi and his soulmates from La Leopolda want to turn the Democratic Party into a state-centered party of broad middle character and compare with the Christian Democrats, who ruled the country in various constellations during most of the second half of the 20th century. The results of the EU elections in spring 2014 may seem to be pointing in that direction. The Democratic Party made a record choice and received over 40% of the vote. The change of leader in the party was also reflected in a change in the voter base. The voters of the party turned out to be from different walks of life, often with values other than those of the party’s traditional leftist voters.
Not surprisingly, Matteo Renzi has supported the party’s left wing, especially with regard to the new labor laws which were passed by both chambers of Parliament at the end of 2014.
One of the reasons behind Italy’s economic stagnation is considered to be the inflexible labor market, which has so far made it impossible for companies with more than 15 employees to dispose of labor. The situation has led, among other things, to a deep generation gap, where the elderly sit on permanent jobs with all benefits, while the young people are often referred to more or less short project positions. While unemployment in the country at large in 2014 was 13%, the figure for young people under 25 was 44%.
While the new law was being addressed in Parliament, the streets were filled with demonstrations in cities all over Italy. The large, previously so powerful, national organizations proclaimed general strikes and thus turned for the first time to a center-left government. The protesters also saw politicians from Matteo Renzi’s own Social Democratic Party. But Renzi has made it clear that, unlike his representatives, he will never negotiate with the union.
In addition to the reforms aimed at lifting the eurozone’s third largest economy out of economic turmoil, during the year the Renzi government prioritized a change in the country’s electoral system in order to give Italy more stable governments. The country’s constitutional court had firstly condemned the prevailing system as illegal, and in addition, the tracks after the general elections in 2013 were horrified. of the dissatisfaction party Five Star Movement (M5S) led by stand-up comedian Beppe Grillo, who did not want to form an alliance with any of the blocs.
The new three-armed constellation gave the then left-wing leader Pier Luigi Bersani a majority in the House of Representatives, but not in the Senate, which is problematic in a country where both parliament’s chambers are equal legislators.
Since Matteo Renzi did not come to power through elections, he has inherited the old fragile majority and has every interest not to end up in the same position at the next general election 2018 or earlier, should there be a new election.
The new electoral law is scheduled to be passed through Parliament in early 2015 and is expected, if everything goes Renzi’s way, to take effect the following year. The reform has been worked out by the unlucky couple Matteo Renzi and Silvio Berlusconi. The prime minister has explained the unexpected choice of partner that he must bring the opposition into such a major reform and that Beppe Grillo, although leading a party larger than Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, is not a serious option.
Judging from the results in this spring’s European elections and according to recent opinion polls, Forza Italia was on the downward path in 2014, but Silvio Berlusconi has announced a new trend after February 2015, when he ends the community service at a senior housing he was sentenced to after being found guilty. for tax offenses. The Italians have learned to never figure out Berlusconi, but in the young, dynamic Matteo Renzi, this survivor also seems to have found his superior.
Italian imperialism, 1880–1915
According to topb2bwebsites, the government under Agostino Depretis oriented itself away from the alliance with Pope-friendly France, and in 1882 Italy joined a military alliance, the Triple Alliance, with Germany and Austria-Hungary, partly on the basis of the French occupation of Tunis the previous year. Disappointed in the hope of North African colonies, Italy sought compensation in East Africa, and in 1880 took over Assab and in 1885 occupied the city of Massawa on the Red Sea. In 1889 Ethiopia was declared an Italian vassal state, and in 1890 an Italian crown colony, Eritrea, was formed at the Red Sea.
In 1887, the imperialist-oriented politician Francesco Crispi (1887–1891) took over. He stirred up internal turmoil and waged a customs war with France, while linking Italy close to Germany. The country came to war with Ethiopia in 1894 and suffered defeat at Adua in 1896, and at the peace in Addis Ababa, Italy had to recognize Ethiopia’s independence and give up hope of expanding Eritrea. Later colonization plans, especially in China in 1900, also stranded. The defeat and poor economic conditions led to riots all over Italy in the late 1890s.
In 1900 King Umberto 1 was assassinated and Viktor Emanuel 3 ascended the throne. Finance improved after the miseries of the 1890s; the interest rate on government debt could be reduced, and the budget showed surplus despite colossal expenditure on civilian and military purposes. Social conditions were difficult for both urban and rural workers. Anarchism had a hot spot in Italy, but the growing socialism, which was partly strongly Republican colored, formed a counterweight. The relationship with the pope was not improved during Pope Pius 10 (1903-1914), and in the people the contradictions were sharpened. Italy held on to the triple alliance, which was renewed in 1902, but at the same time, the now “anti-papal” France, the United Kingdom and Russia were increasingly approaching.The irredentists agitated against Austria, and the Austrian annexation of Bosnia in 1908 and Germany’s Morocco policy stimulated expansionism.
In 1911 made Italy a new attempt to acquire colonies, declaring September 29 war on Turkey to wrest Tripolitania and Cyrenaica in today’s Libya. The outbreak of the Balkan War in October 1912 forced Turkey to make peace in Lausanne on October 18 – and to surrender the Libyan provinces. The conquest cost Italy huge sums, and the colonization had to be put on ice at the outbreak of World War I, and then resumed with heaviness in the interwar period: Italy launched a comprehensive program to colonize Tripolitania and Kyrenaika, with large public investment in infrastructure and with the settlement of Italian families, substantially in agriculture.
World war one
At the outbreak of the First World War, Italy was bound to the central powers not only by the Triple Alliance, but also by a secret treaty of 1913 with Germany and Austria, aimed at the dominions of France and Britain in the Mediterranean. But Austria’s opposition was strong, and a war against Britain would not endure the country. The Italian government claimed compensation if Austria made conquests on the Balkan Peninsula, and when this was rejected, Italy declared itself neutral on 2 August 1914.
After unsuccessful negotiations with the central powers, in March 1915 the government began negotiations with the Entent. These resulted in the Treaty of London in April of that year: Italy should have Trieste and northern Dalmatia as remuneration for participating in the war. The National Assembly decided to declare war on Austria on 24 May. War broke out with Turkey on August 24, the same year, with Germany first in August 1916. One Italian offensive after another stranded at Isonzo, a river at the heart of the Gulf of Venice.
In the spring of 1916, the Austrians attacked northern Italy, and in the fall of 1917 the enemy penetrated far into the country. The internal conditions were often difficult, the UK’s help had to be called again and again, and large sections of the population demanded peace. The war cost Italy immensely both in terms of money and life (around 600,000 dead and one million wounded; the cost was estimated at 90 billion liters in 1919), and the referendum demanded huge gains in peace. The London Treaty had not provided Italy with Fiume, and Italy demanded this city and southern Dalmatia. When US President Woodrow Wilson upheld the London Treaty, the Italian delegates left the Paris peace talks after a short time.
The peace treaty with Austria in Saint-Germain-en-Laye on September 10, 1919, by the way, gave Italy all that the country had demanded in Tirol and Istria. On the Fiume issue, endless negotiations were held in Paris; On September 12, 1919, Gabriele D’Annunzio occupied the city, and occupied it for about 1 ½ years. The referendum in Italy demanded not only Fiume, but also an Italian power position in Albania and Asia Minor, and the Orlando government was overthrown in June 1920 due to dissatisfaction with the conditions of peace.
The Giolitti government closed the case by essentially renouncing Albania and by concluding the Rapallo Convention in November 1920 to admit the boundaries of the Yugoslavia London Treaty, while Fiume became independent under Italian supremacy. Giolitti’s foreign policy, led by Count Carlo Sforza, was about consolidation and reconciliation with Germany. In August 1919 a new electoral law came in which proportional elections were introduced.
The November elections that year showed great progress for the Social Democrats and the newly formed clerical party, Partito Popolare Italiano, while the old Liberal bloc was greatly weakened. Social democracy, which had a rather radical character, developed great activity in the following months; In several places the workers took over the management of the factories. During this time, fascism arose, which fought against the socialist labor movement with arms power. The new elections to the chamber in May 1921 weakened both outer wings, but without providing a secure bourgeois majority. Reform Socialist Ivanoe Bonomi formed government.